Revision to Previous Post - Write-Up

So Yishay made a great observation in the write-up that I previously posted. I responded to his comment, but it so apt that I think it warrants a posting unto itself.

Here is the comment and my response below:

Yishay -

all good, EXCEPT - I would start with f. First, get a system up and running with the minimal set of features you need to do a. Then add the features you need to do b, etc.

If you want to get people to buy into your plan, you need to show them something that moves. Then they'll tell you what's missing, and you can add it. People don't do well in abstract (unless they're mathematicians, computer scientists or theoretical physicists). They need an object to talk with.

Justin -

Thanks Yishay for this reminder as you are exactly correct in my opinion. Unfrotunately, I didn't articulate this point in the write up . But I did initiate the project in this manner.

After our discussion about ning as a platform for this project I went ahead and started site: MyCSA Network.

This served as the showcase piece that I sent to the decision maker on this project. After reviewing the site along with a few ideas driving the site, he told me to go ahead and produce a quick project proposal that addresses the rationale, the approach for building and maintaining the site.

So, going back to your comment, this just shows the need to be more methodical in recognizing the process of practice!

This is certainly important and underscores the need to effectively "enroll" potential users by showcasing something that can serve as a guide or reference for helping people conceptualize the types of things one hopes to accomplish. We all need to see or have something tangible to provide concrete evidence to our abstract ideas.

So here is the revision on Methodology Portion of the write-up to reflect this VERY important insight, informed by a pattern nonetheless!:

Methods for Design and Development:

• After defining an initial problem (see: rationale), build a base site with general functionality as a showcase.


• Extend Problem Definition (Interviews, Literature Review, Survey of Potential Stakeholders).


• Identify Specific Patterns linked to the Problem Definition (use: Liberating Voices, Learning Patterns, Conservation Economy.


• Adapt identified pattern to address specific program goals.


• Merge with Web 2.0 principles to guide decisions on final platform choice and subsequent implementation.


• Identify useful patterns for promoting and building user interactions on the final site, i.e viral marketing, mass mailers/e-mails, print media, word of mouth, blogging, etc...


• Iterate based upon user feedback to address potential emergent issues.

I would like to annotate my comment regarding the need to provide objects to talk with. Yes, it is critical, but simultaneously, it is just as critical to first understand what problems you are attempting to solve. So in looking at my own process it was the identification of a specific issue that initiated the idea to create a CSA focused social network. However, in the context of building any sort of participatory program the use of the pattern cited by Yishay becomes central as it can be used as a talking point to frame the rationale, purpose and eventuate an enrollment of potential users.

Quick Write-Up for a Pet Project...

Using Community-Change Patterns to Develop a CSA focused Social Network

Project Proposal #1:

Justin Smith

6/16/2008

Introduction and Rationale:

No longer is the web solely comprised of basic web pages made up of text based HTML, nowadays we have streaming video, audio and desktop application you can use through your favorite web browser. Along with the proliferation of these uses and software, a second wave has come along labeled Web 2.0. This marks an era defined by an explosion of social interactions and user generated content. People no longer have to be tech wizards to navigate and harness the power of this technology. These days all it takes is a few mouse click and one can have a full featured web site and be connected to old high school friends or publish an academic journal. These days a certain level of articifical intelligence is embedded within this massive brain we call the Internet. This makes it easy to aggregate content from various places that match and link individuals together based upon shared preferences, interests and activities. As a result of all of this, we can see that new ways of thinking and acting within this virtual environment are changing thinking and acting in the "world-of-the-real."

However, despite the opportunities afforded by Web 2.0 and social networking technologies, many are still left out and have not yet harnessed the possibilities. Of particular interest are the range of groups spread out across the US focused on building community through a reorientation of the production and consumption practices associated with the modern agri-food system. Though these groups have been able to foment a movement based upon ideals of sustainability and community interconnectedness, there is little evidence to suggest that their efforts are anywhere close to replacing the current system. And though these communities have begun to recognize the utility of the web, it seems they have not yet grasped the underlying opportunities for building greater connectivity among food producers, consumers and retailers on not only a local scale, but national, and even international scales. All one has to do to recognize the opportunities is to see how far the "Fair Trade Movement" has come by using information technologies that links producers, sellers, retailers and consumers in a global market place. This suggests opportunities for similar actions among locally focused groups that can both link people together to meet food needs, but also link people through the free-flow exhange of ideas, practices, problems and successes.

According to Thomas Lyson in his book Civic Agriculture, "CSAs are an important part of civic agriculture. They strengthen the local food economy and preserve farm land. A web of connected and cooperatively organized CSAs could represent a real and viable alternative to the mass-produced, homogeneous, imported produce found in most supermarkets today." Unfortunately, when one does a simple search on CSAs or CSA networks one finds a relatively small number of connected and cooperatively operated ventures that not only provide alternatives but that work to promote a full fledged food movement. That is not to say that locally-focused global networks do not exist, but rather they appear to be few and far between. Thus it seems that there needs to be a concerted effort on building up the necessary connections between one another to help foment a "true movement."

The question then becomes: How do we build vibrant networks that connect to both local relations, while supporting a global movement towards integrated efforts that enhance the role of local food producers and access to these production systems among local community members? Following developments in the use of systems thinking and the codification of knowledge related to the design, development and strategic use of these social technologies it can be argued that we have potential answers to these questions through the adoption of patterns and pattern languages. Essentially a pattern represents a general solution to a persistent problem and these pattern langauges represent a network of patterns that interact and reinforce one another to construct an effective and sustainable system. Based upon this work it is argued that "Liberating Voices" serve as the model for supporting the advance of the local food movement online.

Overall, "Liberating Voices" represents a pattern language for democratic communication, which proposes a set of social, communicative and design principles specifically geared towards confronting these challenges from both local and global perspectives. Using these sets of patterns it is thought that we as a movement of concerned citizens can effectively define the problems we seek to solve and then map out the technological solutions to address these problems. That is not to say that we will eliminate all problems, but rather it is possible that these efforts can provide a greater support network so that communities can eventually come together to tackle the range of other issues confronting the complex relationships between people and their food.

Vision:

Using the principles behind Web 2.0 thinking and patterns for communicative engagement articulated by "Liberating Voices" this project will work to develop technologies and practices tools that can be easily used by people with varying degrees of technical competence. Along with creating usable systems these technologies will fill in a gap in capacity and action among locally distributed and previously unconnected groups across the country and beyond. Together with these tools and the orientation towards supporting greater levels of interaction, there will be a special emphasis on Community-Supported Agriculture and the presentation of one soltuion to a range of issues that need to be confronted from within and outside the movement for a "civic agriculture."

Methods for Design and Development:

a.) Outline Problem Definition (Interviews, Literature Review, Survey of Potential Stakeholders)

b.) Identify Specific Patterns linked to the Problem Definition

c.) Adapt identified pattern to address specific program goals

d.) Merge with Web 2.0 princinples to guide deciisions on final platform choice and subsequent implmentation

e.) Identify useful patterns for promoting and building user interactions on the final site, i.e viral marketing, mass mailers/e-mails, print media, word of mouth, blogging, etc...

f.) Support an iterative design process that embraces user feedback and continual revision for an up-to-date system

Despite the methods presented above, it is clear that certain peices will fundamentally need to be in place. Such as a system to generate interest or location based groups, individual user pages, whether consumers, producers or unaffilitated supporters of a general movement. There will also need to be a way for users to locate geographically CSAs, as well as tools to help current CSAs who already have website generate more traffic through integrating these systems without complex programming skills. Likewise, there is a need for tools that can interface with current social networking platforms such as Facebook or MySpace as this will support future marketing, visibility and make navigation to and from a user's most popular websites easy and seemless.

Project Deliverables:

One social networking website and an associated research paper of journal quality that presents rationale, methodology, evaluation and conclusions for continual refinement of the technologies and practices of interactions used both on site and in face-to-face interactions. Provide on-going support to the development and maintance of additional services as suggested by users or emegent tools created out the community of Web 2.0 developers.

For more information on the methods, technologies and thinking behind the project please look at these resources:

What is Web 2.0? Web 2.0 as described on wikipedia (This is actually a great and easy to understand conversation)

What is Liberating Voices? A Pattern Language for Social Change

Preparing for DIAC - 08

DIAC -08 is coming up quick and I'm working to get all of my things in order for the trip and the two presentations I'm putting together for the conference. Currently I have two papers accepted, one research paper and one exploratory paper. So I'm scrambling to get everything set.

I have uploaded my papers for public view and hopefully we can increase the visibility of the conference. With that in mind, if you are in Berkeley June 26-29 check out the Directions and Implications of Advanced Computing.

Ok, without further ado, here are the papers:
Research Paper - “Liberating Voices” in South Asia: Case Study of Networked Resistance in Jharkhand

ABSTRACT:
In 2006, a study was conducted to analyze the relevance of Liberating Voices, a project emphasizing the use of pattern languages as a method of supporting ‘civic communication.’ The study sought to evaluate whether effective networks exhibit the elements defined within the Liberating Voices database, which claims to have amassed a number of archetypical patterns for effective communication and political transformation. The results of this study revealed that while the Liberating Voices project is not yet complete, various pattern configurations can be observed among effective instances of networked advocacy. This points to both legitimacy of the pattern language while opening up opportunities to further study these patterns as approaches to capacity building for ineffective networks struggling to influence political discourse at local and global spheres of policy making.

Exploratory Paper - Patterns, Process and Systems-Thinking: Putting Social Pattern Languages to Work

ABSTRACT
Following a 2006 study aimed at evaluating the validity of pattern languages within the context of civic communication and social change, a number of insights emerged connected to the field of system dynamics and the practice of process monitoring. The study revealed that both system dynamics and process monitoring provide a number of opportunities for further grounding pattern thinking, as well as in supporting adaptive approaches to pattern based capacity building among community networks. Based upon these initial findings it would appear that further investigation is necessary to better understand how patterns, systems and process can be integrated for ever more effective planning and capacity building among civil society, community networks and social change advocates.

Building Networks to Support CSAs

For the past few days I have been reading an interesting book titled, "Civic Agriculture" by Thomas Lyson. It is a plain English overview on the emergence of alternative forms of food production systems. It lays out a quick survey of the mainstream industrial food-system model that permeates most of the US and abroad (among developed nations). This serves as a contrast to what Lyson sees as an alternative paradigm that is taking root here in America.

Yet, just as these alternative forms of food production and distribution take hold and fill the spaces that have been ignored or passed over by the dominant system it seems that the modern, firm based system is actually consolidating power and becoming stronger. So if this assessment is true then what opportunities do communities have to take control of the hegemony (and homogeneity) of food production in America? How can a relatively marginalized movement rise as a truly powerful and viable replacement to the current system?

One of Lyson's answers to these questions came out in regards to the development of networks to support Community Supported Agriculture (CSA). He writes: "

CSAs are an important part of civic agriculture. They strengthen the local food economy and preserve farm land. A web of connected and cooperatively organized CSAs could represent a real and viable alternative to the mass-produced, homogeneous, imported produce found in most supermarkets today.

"
Unfortunately, when one does a simple search on CSAs or CSA networks one finds a relatively small number of connected and cooperatively operated ventures that not only provide alternatives but that work to promote a full fledged food movement. That is not to say that local networks do not exist, but rather they appear to be few and far between. Thus it seems that there needs to be a concerted effort on building up the necessary connections between one another to help foment a "true movement."

This got me thinking and I have spent a couple of hours each evening for the past few days working on building a few applications geared towards building a quasi-social networking system. I have this free Google App Engine account and needed to do something with it. Plus, this gives me an opportunity to learn how to use the webapp framework. For right now it is just a little fun project, but on a serious note there does in fact appear to be a need here.

My hope is to provide a usable and free web space where CSAs, their supporters and unaffiliated advocates can construct mini-sites and link up with one another. The suite of apps include or will include:

• CSA Mini-Site CMS


• CSA Blogs (unless I can get blogger to play nicely)


• Google Map Integration


• Survey Tools


• People Aggregator (this will link users of similar interests/locations/etc)

Now, I'm just building a clunky little prototype, something I can complete in my copious amount of spare time. But I would really like to find some people or group of people that can actually devote the time to this and just take it off of my hands. What would be even more interesting is if WSU Extension sponsored a project like this and actually take this opportunity seriously. My thinking is if you want to be a "world class institution" then promote and fund "world class projects."

Community Resistance in Netrahat - Jharkhand

I wanted to provide this case narrative so that I could reference it for future need.

Case Report: Networked Resistance in Netrahat

The hilly plateau region of Jharkhand known as Netrahat was first used as an artillery firing range in 1956, notified under the Field Firing and Artillery Practice Act of 1938. For the last 37 years, up to 1994 the exercise has been conducted approximately three times a year lasting on average for about two days, but never more than 2 weeks. The process entails the mobilization of the army from its encampment at Namkun near Ranchi to the Netrahat hills. To reach the designated site the military must cross into the fields of local subsistence farmers in effect tearing up vital cropland and often during the monsoonal sowing season. Because of the serious danger involved with the exercise, all villages within the vicinity of the firing and impact areas were required to evacuate forcing people to make long journeys away from their homes. However, beyond the inconveniences associated with the exercises, the institutional arrangements surrounding the practice have only seemed to worsen what seem to be unnecessary hardships for the poorest sector of Indian society.

Though the Field Firing and Artillery Practice Act empowers the state government to provide the military access to certain areas for use or purchase; it also requires a set of guidelines to be followed for conducting the exercises. For instance, under the Act an area is made available for a specific amount of time through a public notification in the official gazette. This notification is essentially a declaration of intent to conduct the exercises, and is required at least two months in advance of the actual authorization to carry out the practice. Apart from publication in the local gazette, it must be published in local language newspapers, announced through beating of drums (a local practice of communication between local villages) and notices must be posted in centrally located public places. The same notification process is also to be repeated approximately a week before the actual authorization.

As an unfortunate example is the arrangement of notification, most area residents are not even aware of the intent to use the land until a couple of days before the army mobilizes to physically take possession of the area (PUDR, 1994). This has often left people unable to make sufficient preparations for the removal of livestock or the securing of other personal property before evacuating (ISI, 2004; PUDR, 1994). Unfortunately, little to no assistance is provided by authorities during this process. As a result, considerable numbers of livestock are lost during the exercises along with material damage to homes from stray shells and the degradation of crop land (Statesman, 1994).

Along with the problems of notification and the lack of time that people have to prepare resulting in the loss of life and property, the issue of compensation as prescribed by the Act has been a hotly contested (ISI, 2004; PUDR, 1994; Statesman, 1994). Though compensation for damages to life and property, as well as interference with rights and privileges are to be paid from the defense estimates, problems are rampant. In many cases no compensation is given or it is minimal, mirroring similar practices related to state-sponsored development programs (Kujur, 2006; PUDR, 1994).

However, in the case of the firing exercises the Revenue Officers dispatched from the District Collector in Ranchi (Jharkhand, State Capital) are to accompany the military during the process and to determine the amount of compensation to be granted to affected persons. The Revenue Officer (RO) is to consider all claims, determine the amount of compensation to be granted and distribute the funds. Unfortunately, the compensation is wholly inadequate; usually this does not amount to more than 1.50 to 2.50 rupees per day, per adult, and that is only if the villagers return home in time to collect (PUDR, 1994). Often they miss the distribution of compensation. Though a claimant can appeal the decision made by the RO, a commission headed by the District Collector is to decide such appeals and its decision is final, leaving the people without any further legal recourse (Kendriya Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004). Adding to problems within the process, it seems poor access to the RO has made it near impossible for many to pursue their claims anyway. Problems of corruption between the military and local governments, as well as the meager monetary reimbursements divvied out by the state government have all added to growing animosity and resistance to the exercises and the forcible displacement (Kendriya Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004; PUDR, 1994).

Round 1: 1992-1994
Despite the problems surrounding the practice, there appears to have been no apparent opposition except for minor indicators that discontent was brewing. Hardships in shifting people and property had increased due to state promotion of settled forms of agriculture in contrast to traditional nomadic practices. Yet, these hardships were minor sources of agitation in comparison to the rumors that the army had been quietly planning to permanently acquire a substantial part of the Netrahat plateau area (Hindustan Times, 1994; PUDR, 1994; Statesman 1994). By September of 1992 growing rumors regarding the impending land acquisition started to spread through the area villages, initiating the beginning of a full blown uprising. By July 1993 frequent military movement and aerial surveys gave further credence to the rumors. Again, this was amplified when a number of extensive surveys were carried out in 29 villages of Mahuadanr block by the local administration in later that year.

With growing alarm over the prospective proposal, various groups throughout the region began to discuss and coordinate on how to address the rumors. The Church which had been a powerful social entity within the region for well over a century through its numerous schools, rural credit institutions and cooperative societies facilitated in the genesis and growth of movement to oppose any proposed land grab (PUDR, 1994). As an intimate and interwoven institution in tribal life that had worked hard to end practices of usury by non-tribal elites and in its direct involvement with producing relatively higher literacy rates, the Church served as an informational and organization fulcrum that had secured the trust of both the Christian as well as non-Christian tribals, making it a central actor. Along with the local tribal panchayats and other social organizations such as the area’s student unions, a highly dense network emerged in response to the troubles.

Initiated in Mahuadanr where in one of the tri-monthly meetings of the Christian Society, it was collectively agreed upon that the exercises would finally be resisted. In order to initiate this resistance Chhaoni Visthapan Sangharsh Samiti, a community-action association was created consisting of five representatives from each village in the area who would act as coordinators to assist in mobilizing village residents. Within two days of declaring their intent to oppose the exercise they were able to organize a major demonstration of around 10,000 people in the main village of Mahuadanr. The ‘circle officer’ was surrounded by protesters and local agitators delivered a number of memoranda written up for the Prime Minister, President, Chief Minister and the Governor. Meanwhile the movement spread out towards Gumla district. In order to mobilize more people and promote more effective coordination among the growing opposition, a number of additional samitis (or community action groups) were created to including a network of village samitis, as well as a regional, block and a central samiti.

The organization leading the struggle was renamed as the Netrahat Field Firing Range Pilot Project Jan Sangharsh Samiti to emphasize their specific focus and connection to the movement. The Samiti gave a call for a state and national level campaign demanding for a full repeal of the Act, specifically citing the rumored acquisition. But at the time the network still lacked any concrete evidence regarding the plans of the state. A hunt was on for gathering information. In November 1993 the Jan Sangharsh Samiti got hold of two Special Gazettes which had been published as far back as November 1991 and March 1992 through which the state government was publicly notifying 245 villages of Palamu and Gumla districts of an impending string of exercises to be carried out regularly over the next decade. Overall, the notification claimed to cover an area of over 100,066 hectares which would directly affect over half a million people (Jan Shangharsh Samati, 1997; PUDR, 1994). Not long after they launched their fact-finding mission the Jan Sangharsh Samiti was able to access a number of internal documents highlighting the exchange between the military command and the local state government indicating that a proposal for permanent acquisition had also been put in motion. Through the concrete substantiation of these rumors the Jan Sangharsh Samiti helped provide further momentum to the movement.

Along with the Church and panchayats, students played a significant role in furthering the movement, as well. They organized themselves under the banner of Palamu Students Union and Hira Barwe Students Union. The organizations undertook local campaigns aimed toward maximizing contacts and building up a network in the region through mass dissemination of information, holding local village meetings and coordinating with other organizations in and outside of the area. Within a period of a few weeks the organizations were able to effectively organize a series of rallies, demonstrations and public meetings. By mid December 1993 a newly formed Banari-Bishunpur Student Union also stepped in and together the Bharat Naujawan Sangh from Daltonganj in Palamu also coordinated a protest campaign. By now the public response had become an enormous display of public outrage over the clandestine proposal of the government and military.

In a very short amount of time the agitation had already become a mass movement with additional support coming in from a number of major political parties such as the Congress, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and even the Bhartiya Janata Party; Vikas Bharti, an RSS organization even passed a resolution to oppose the pilot project. Along with the growing political support within the area, the Adivasi Yuva Sangh (AyS), a Delhi based organization which sought to encourage greater visibility of the issues taking place on the other side of the country by organizing a rally and sit-in in Delhi, aimed at personally delivering a series of memoranda to the President and the Prime Minister.

In response to the movement, different and often conflicting reports kept pouring in from the state government, army officials and politicians as well as from the media (Jan Shangharsh Samati, 1997; The Pioneer, 1994; PUDR, 1994). It is unclear whether this was a campaign on intentional disinformation or whether the government’s own channels of communication were out of sync. Regardless of the information coming out to the public nothing had been formally announced to the adivasi, which ultimately served to fuel an ‘atmosphere of wild speculation, confusion and anxiety.’

While the debate continued over the proposed acquisition the commanding officer of the 23rd Artillery Battalion had sent notice to the District Collectors to go ahead and evacuate the villages for its annual exercises. In an attempt to make a stand against both the firing practice itself and reiterate their opposition to a permanent military installation, more than 50,000 people assembled at the road junction connecting Netrahat with Mahuadanr and Ranchi on March 21, 1994. According to reports most came on foot, walking from their villages for two days carrying their food provisions with them. Overnight the land between the villages of Jokipokhar and Tutwapani was transformed into a massive settlement where temporary dwellings were constructed.

Through a flurry of media, numerous rallies across the country and sustained contact with both state and national level leaders, the adivasi were effective in bringing public awareness to the issue in the Chota-Nagpur, as well as provide a window to the world of how the Indian state treats its tribal populations. When set against the fact that India had become a signatory to the UN’s declaration of the ‘Year of the Indigenous Peoples’ this opened the door for yet another wave of increased criticism as groups began to respond to the Nation’s own stated goals of providing inclusive and responsive policies towards its people (Kendriya Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004). With all of these elements coming together, culminating in the last stand (villagers blockade), it was finally acknowledged by the government that this was not just an uninhabited backwards region, but rather a place of serious consequence to their political legitimacy. Following the blockade of the military the government finally decided to put the firing exercises on hold for 11 years. Though this was not completely what they wanted it presented the villagers and their growing network of supporters with an opportunity to respond openly and directly when it was time to revisit the issue.

Round 2: 1999-Present
While it was thought that the next phase would be an open process of negotiation, just five years later in 1999 the Bihar government in coordination with the military had once again quietly extended the notification of the Project. This gave the army uninhibited accesses from 2002 till 2022 (ISI, 2004), reversing its previous decision without debate. Fortunately, the plans leaked to the public and notably much earlier than before. As a result, the people under the aegis of the reconstituted Jan Sanghash Samiti vehemently opposed the Project this time with only one demand; ‘the Project should be cancelled permanently,’ as well as all temporary exercises (ISI, 2004; Jan Sanghash Samiti, 2004). It seems they had grown tired of having to protect their land and livelihoods from those who would try to take it from them.

These announcements and the renewed commitment to local and national levels of agitation and advocacy sparked yet another clash between the governments’ public pronouncements and its actual policies regarding the tribal areas. Unfortunately, it has also helped fuel the more violent agitation taking place in the form of Naxalite militants striking out against elites and government installations throughout the region. Though it is not clear that this has been directly linked with the spike in Naxal violence, for many, the ongoing struggle has become a sign of the inherent untrustworthiness of the government and to the limitations of peaceful political action. These views have been growing, resulting in the growth of Naxal forces as well as their geographic sphere of influence throughout the entire Chota-Nagpur.

Despite the increased regional violence, in this second round of resistance the network that had emerged in the early 90s now has greater access to media, international supporters, as well as a developed body of useful strategic frames for advocating their case to the local and national governments, and just as importantly the public. Upon hearing of the government’s resumed plans for both the acquisition and renewed military exercise in the area the network quickly mobilized its media network, as well as local constituents, supporting government officials and began coordinating informational events both within the capital, and in Jharkhand. Since it had been several years since the nation had seen the images of protesters blocking military armaments in the newspapers, many of their tactics were about reifying the problems the tribals have faced within the minds of the public, as well as actively promoting a rapid process of conscientization of movement actors. They achieved this through providing the information and context of the problem taking place, highlighting the historical discriminations, framing it as ‘an ethnocide exacted upon the peoples of the region’ (ISI, 2004; Palamau-Gumla & Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004).

In highlighting the continued problems they activated the memory of the Sardovar Dam project and the millions of displaced peoples that were the result of the massive development program. They sought to remind both officials and the public that Netrahat was even worse; and that this was a case that did nothing to promote development of the people as had been argued by supporters of the dam project, rather Netrahat was in comparison a “senseless acts of forcible displacement” (ISI, 2004; Palamau-Gumla & Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004). To strengthen this argument and to represent the scale of the trouble they note that intended numbers of people to be displaced by the proposed project would even exceed the numbers projected from the Sardovar Dam (Jan Sangharsh Samati, 2004) (though this appears an exaggeration based upon the numbers available to researcher at the time). They also sought to promote a sense of pride and unity among the tribal groups in direct opposition to the dominate Hindus and the growing religious nationalism that has been spreading throughout the nation (Corbridge & Harrisson, 2000; Corbridge, 2003; Roy, 2002). Many of the rallies were accentuated with a festive atmosphere consisting of traditional adivasi dance and music. There were events in which old adivasi war songs and prayers were recited to evoke a sense of connectedness to each other and their land, a place of collective history (AIFAIP, 2001; PUDR, 1994).

This time however, they began to activate a larger sphere of nodes in the network based upon the growth in relations developed through the proliferation in communication technologies and an overall global peace and justice movement that was rapidly gaining steam among local and international NGOs in the form of regional international forums. These forums such as the World Social Forum (WSF) or the World Federation on Tribal and Dalit Rights (WFDTR) provided venues for groups such as the Jan Sanghash Samiti, South Asian Peoples Initiative (SAPI) and ISI to tell of the troubles taking place in Jharkhand. In bringing awareness to other groups they also sought these spaces as venues for the exchange of ideas and new strategies for engagement.

Though the government has sought to re-visit the Netrahat issue, through the sustained mobilization of the local adivasi, the persistent media attention and the growth in international networks exchanging information and resources, things have remained as they were when the army left in 1994. It is now 2007, and there has yet to have been a renewed instance of military exercises in the region despite the military’s insistence and the economic benefit that the purchase would have for a cash-strapped government. In considering that already 18.5 million tribals that have been displaced in this region for various reasons, usually in the name of development, it becomes clear that there has been little to keep the government from carrying out its demands. However, over the years as India has sought to emerge into the world as a progressive and developed country, issues of marginalization and disastrous examples of blatant disregard for human and political rights only serve to frame the country as backward, just as elites intend to frame the adivasi as ‘backwards’. This has not sat well for many in government and as a result these networks have been able to use this changing sentiment to their advantage to successfully plead their cases to local and national level politicians sympathetic to their cause.

Despite entrenched social and cultural values that frame ‘low-caste’ elements of society and tribal societies as 4th class peoples who are stupid and backward, undeveloped and simply unfortunate; this case is interesting as it shows that with persistent action some of these very strong social and cultural blocks can be either overcome or circumvented. The case is also intriguing as it spans an entire decade and more specifically it represents a time in which the explosion in the usages of information and communication have become so powerful a tool for civil society. Similarly, there has been an emergence of a number of internationally organized conferences that have served to influence perceptions through the virulent exchange of information through usages of tactical media.

On the heels of the WSF, a number of researchers and activists affiliated with ISI, or directly linked through the organizational structures provided by the Church’s global justice network, such as Jesuits in Social Action (JESA) which forms a part of the South Asian Secretariat, helped coordinate the WFDTR which focused specifically on Indian social policies towards the most excluded sectors of the population. Together with these conferences organizations both in Delhi, as well as those within Jharkhand, groups such as SAPI and JESA have provided venues for smaller workshops and conscientization session aimed at sharing experiences and information regarding respective issues. These groups have also shared strategies, exchanged resources such as media contacts, or served as conduits through which smaller groups could thereby gain access to government officials and other decision makers in Indian society.

While ISI, JESA and the Social Justice Secretariat (SJS, another Jesuit institution) were not specifically associated with the initial thrust of the movement, as organizations directly linked to the Church and other Christian institutions by way of past collaborations, as well as the personal connections staff had with the movement; these advocacy and research centers began to take a much more direct role. Not only did they act as conduits for the flow of information and resources within the network, but as direct linkages strengthened they became central partners in the facilitation for mobilizing local constituents in the urban areas, such as Delhi. In fact, ISI and JESA both in coordination as organizationally connected, but separate bodies helped organize numerous rallies in Delhi to bring awareness to lawmakers in the capitol whose polices had a direct impact upon the adivasi.

However, as ISI Director Jimmy Dabhi states, “these forums are only so useful since it is like preaching to the converted” (J. Dabhi, personal communication, July 9, 2006). For him it has become more important to inform and influence the greater Indian populace. As a result it became necessary to develop a number of media tools, like video documentaries that would provide windows into social issues such as Netrahat, or would highlight the more general problems of tribal rights. Similarly, a host of web related media emerged through usages of e-mail listservs, collaborative websites such as: India-Seminar (http://www.india-seminar.com), India Together (http://www.indiatogether.org/) and the WFDTR conference site (http://www.wfdtrindia.org).

Together with these organizational enterprises, individual activists began taking advantage of the growing number of Internet cafes in Ranchi, and began utilizing the number of free internet hosting sites such as Geocities to publish open letters and documents concerning the situation in Netrahat. It is interesting to note that some of these same documents have thus been published on larger sites. Take for instance the open letter written by Cyprian Ekka, a Jesuit, which describes the situation in Netrahat (show on Geocities/ link no longer active) and then later published on the Asian Human Rights Commission (2002) and the Social Justice Secretariat websites (2002).

However, along with the uses of digital media through the web and video, nodes within the network realized early on the limitations of both video and internet communications in the region they are working in (such as: problems of access to communication technologies), and have focused much of their efforts in generating a wealth of written documentation and scholarly research useful in advocating their message. Through the use of well structured research that provides a contextual understanding of the historical, as well as cultural realities faced by tribal groups in India they have been able to not only activate the consciousness of concerned groups and area officials, but have been able to broaden the audience of their campaigns by speaking to distinct groups with distinct levels of media access and literacy. This approach in effect enabled the network to maximize its audience by tailoring the information and its presentation to fit the audience. As an example, through their research they are able to speak with authority to larger international institutions such as the UN, World Bank, DFID and in fact ISI is designated as being in special consultation with ECOSCO regarding regional development issues specifically concerning gender and tribal social welfare.

Exploratory Paper - Patterns, Process and Systems-Thinking: Putting Social Pattern Languages to Work

ABSTRACT
Following a 2006 study aimed at evaluating the validity of pattern languages within the context of civic communication and social change, a number of insights emerged connected to the field of system dynamics and the practice of process monitoring. The study revealed that both system dynamics and process monitoring provide a number of opportunities for further grounding pattern thinking, as well as in supporting adaptive approaches to pattern based capacity building among community networks. Based upon these initial findings it would appear that further investigation is necessary to better understand how patterns, systems and process can be integrated for ever more effective planning and capacity building among civil society, community networks and social change advocates.

KEYWORDS: Pattern Languages, System Dynamics, Process Monitoring, Community Networks

Patterns and Systems
In 2006 a study of the Liberating Voices project was carried out, which aimed at evaluating the validity of pattern languages within the context of civic communication and social change. Following from Christopher Alexander’s conception of design patterns (1977; 1979), the L.V. project has been an attempt to utilize Alexander’s model for constructing effective civic communicative systems (Schuler, 2002). And just as Alexander envisioned multiple applications for designing buildings and towns, the Liberating Voices project perceives patterns as useful constructs for community empowerment, as well as supportive for an overall re-conceptualization of the ways in which communities and a networked civil society think and engage in social change (Schuler, 2001; Smith, 2007). The study, reiterated past research on advocacy networks, showing that these networks possess a very real potential for influencing social policies within local, as well as in global contexts. Similarly, the study also showed that these successes are often mitigated by any number of internal and external forces that can be difficult to perceive and address (Keck and Sikkink, 1998; Rodrigues, 2004; Smith, 2007). This of course has led to some serious problems in the capacity of networks to achieve intended outcomes, and points to the need to perceive the shifting socio-political landscape these networks function within (Keck & Sikkink, 1998; Rodrigues, 2003).

With the dynamic nature of social landscapes in mind, the L.V. patterns represent yet another approach to the ways networks can construct dynamic solutions to the internal and external forces that act as blockages to success. However, before such pattern configurations can occur, it is often appropriate to understand the interaction among forces within a system a group is working within. Based upon this need for effective models to perceive complex environments it is suggested that the use of system dynamics represents a useful addition to the process of perceiving dynamic environments common among shifting social landscapes. In fact, there are numerous parallels between the literature of system dynamics and pattern languages. For instance, though Alexander emphasized the use of patterns as elements of design (1979), the structure of patterns and its parallels to system archetypes found within the literature of system dynamics (Senge, 1990) suggests the opportunity to use patterns as a structured model connected to the methodologies within systems thinking in order to better understand a social environment along with the various forces influencing a system.

Similarly, critical systems theory proposes an alternative to traditional social planning. Rather than reducing problems into manageable pieces seeking solutions to each, and thereby solving the problem piece-by-piece to address larger issues, systems designers argue that getting rid of the pieces does not necessarily produce what is desired (Banathy, 2000). In sharp contrast with this traditional model, systems thinking proposes that people seek to understand the problem situation as a system of interconnected, interdependent and interacting problems, and therefore construct a response as a system of interconnected, interdependent, and interacting solutions (ibid, 2000). This is not unlike the conceptions of use for patterns put forth by Alexander in describing the process of constructing ‘living buildings and towns’ (1977).

Further more, both Jay W. Forrester (noted as the father of system dynamics) and Christopher Alexander (the father of pattern languages) place a great deal of emphasis upon the ideal of structure. For Alexander, the pattern language possesses a structure that enables good design across multiple dimensions of abstraction, from high-level patterns to more specific patterns. The idea behind this structure is the ability to more readily share knowledge within the domain of architecture and environmental planning. Tignor (2001) also recognizes the linkage between system dynamics and pattern languages through the common emphasis on structure. For example, he highlights several points made by Forrester, where Forrester argues that, “without an organizing structure, knowledge is a mere collection of observations, practices and conflicting incidents” (Forrester, 1990). At the core of the pattern language Alexander and his colleagues attempt to produce a structured collection of knowledge pieces moving along a hierarchical path. For instance, the beginning patterns in A Pattern Language (1977) start out as large elements such as The Distribution of Towns (2). Now as one moves down through the hierarchy, patterns such as Pedestrian Street (100) and Columns at the Corners (212) appear. By integrating both fields it is thought that each paradigm can be enhanced, and together provide an effective extension into the domain of analysis and action for enabling civic communication, networked advocacy and ameliorative social change in general.

This idea of an inherent linkage between both fields was advanced within the study of an advocacy network in South Asia, where the information obtained was visually configured in order to represent the interactions and influences between forces effecting a community and subsequent network. These visual representations closely followed the model and method for qualitative systems modeling presented by influence diagrams, which are popular among scholars working in qualitative system dynamics (Coyle, 1999; See Appendix). Through this modeling process and the linking of central elements present within a particular socio-political context, a conceptual window emerged into the shortcomings, highlighting areas where the network could strengthen its capacity to engage, as well as where specific patterns might be effectively applied (Kummer & Schlange, 1997; Smith, 2000; Smith, 2007). Overall, this processes of highlighting relationships enabled a clearer understanding of how the issues within the case were interdependent, thus creating a complex and difficult environment for political representation, responsive governance and empowering vs. debilitating social policies.

However, this study was not specifically focused on the integration of system dynamics and pattern languages, and therefore necessitates further more focused engagement in order to further understand the potential implications and opportunities afforded by such a marriage. For instance, linked to the process of modeling community context, there is a need to focus on similar approaches to visually representing patterns and the ways in which they are configured to solve specific community problems. In keeping with the spirit of L.V. it would be interesting to see collaborative modeling applications connected to pattern language configuration become a part of the project’s application suite. Together with conducting a more extensive literature review to better perceive where both strains of thought might intersect, providing a collaborative application to model influences of forces and patterns could support further empirical examples of the potential possibilities associated with linking system dynamics and pattern languages.

Patterns, Systems and Process
Along with the ability of system dynamics to support processes of modeling complex social environments, the practice of process monitoring provides yet another layer to pattern application that enables feedback from peoples experiences to be used to adapt these models over time as networked interventions affect these systems. Recalling the adaptive nature of social systems that can produce any number of outcomes based upon these internal and external problems requires a way in which groups can respond rapidly to feedback that is distributed through information channels maintained by members of these networks. Similarly, the L.V. pattern language is attempting to serve as a transformative construct within a dynamic and inherently transformative and responsive social system that necessitates an ongoing process of evaluation and adaptation to meet the changing context as the social dynamics of power, resources and thinking shift (Smith, 2007).

As a result, pattern development and approaches to systems-thinking in general could be strengthened through an adoption of process monitoring as an iterative, structured and multi-source exercise for gauging and increasing the effectiveness of a pattern language. This might be an important piece in furthering the power of qualitative system dynamics, as well as in pattern language usage. This process could also provide a useful mechanism for enabling the development of adaptive pattern constructs designed to fit these transformative social realities. The features of the process monitoring methodology include an open communicative processes aimed at supporting participatory evaluations and enable collaborative responses based upon the related characteristics between the patterns and the actual problems or responses identified by the group. Together with providing methods for evaluation and consistent interaction for further refinement these constructs could be made more applicable in the context of structured organizational ventures that seek to address a range of socio-political and economic issues.

Though process monitoring has been primarily applied within businesses and more recently within the development field, the idea of providing timely feedback to enable group adaptation fits appropriately with the continued constructing and refinement of relevant patterns and pattern languages. Fortunately, there are a range of methods associated with process monitoring that emphasizes participatory and collaborative methods (similar to what is found within the pattern language) such as field reports, diaries, online reflection among participants, blogs, open-flows for research development and feedback, as well as continuous practices of information development and distribution among community members, stakeholders and facilitators (Mosse, 2001; Schuler, 2007). All of these methods could prove critical to maintaining open and responsive channels of communication.

The orientation towards ongoing exchanges of information feedback refer back to some of the initial assertions of the Liberating Voices project that already recognizes the relevance in developing newer, yet more appropriate and inclusive information systems. In this case these technologies could be designed specifically for channeling feedback, and for coordinating rapid responses by groups working on the ground, or those working directly with the policy makers. In this sense, we might not only use patterns for systems based design and analysis, but the L.V. application itself could be infused with a fundamental orientation towards an open dynamic system itself. This could include a versioning system connected to real world case studies presented on the application of particular patterns or sets of patterns.

While these sorts of systems exist within the business world, their adoption and development within the context of civil society and for communities in general are still needed. Certainly, community portals such as IndyMedia and OneWorld.net provide an outlet for some of these needs; however, problems of access, knowledge of technology and the inability of tightly linked organizations to monitor their internal communications within these online systems means that there is still room for more specific or so-called appropriate technologies and programs aimed at individual groups and their associated networks.

Likewise, in acknowledging issues surrounding lack of access to these communicative systems as well as the technological capacity to harness peoples potential, parallel programs must be pursued to successfully develop and enable the types of rapid feedback proposed by a process monitoring exercise. Through coordinated efforts to build relationships with appropriate local facilitators, as well as through links to larger networks and structures, issues of access could be mitigated. Similarly, by addressing technological and organizational know-how these networks can encourage the building of mutual capabilities. The point is inclusion and responsiveness among the groups and individuals seeking to transform non-responsive systems of political and economic power, and a hope that as many people as possible could be active participants in defining the social change they seek, whether that be political, economic, cultural or all of the above.

L.V. participants, potential pattern users and current civic networks have an opportunity to further their efforts through the application of systems approaches to planning, implementation and monitoring of the work they do. As a result, the merging of these fields to support better responses to complex systems possess a potential value yet to be realized, except through further research and real-world application.

References:
Alexander, C. (1979). A Timeless Way of Building. New York: Oxford University Press.

Alexander, C., Ishikawa, S., Silverstein, M., Jacobson, M., Fiksdahl-King, I., & Angel, S. A. (1977). A Pattern Language. New York: Oxford University Press. (also see: http://www.patternlanguage.com)

Banathy, B. (2001). “The Evolution of Systems Inquiry.” In The Primer Project. International Society for the Systems Science. Retrieved March 20, 2007, from http://www.isss.org/primer/003evsys.htm

Coyle, G. (1999). Qualitative Modeling in System Dynamics or What are the wise limits of quantification? Keynote Address to the Conference of the System Dynamics Society. Wellington, New Zealand.

Forrester, J.W. (1990). Principles of Systems. Productivity Press; Portland, OR.

Keck, M. & Sikkink, K. (1998). Activists Beyond Borders. Cornell University Press. Ithaca, NY. Pp. 1-37.

Kummer, S. & Schlange, L. (1997). Strengthening the Bridge between Qualitative and Quantitative Modeling: Contributions to the toolbox for analyzing qualitative models. Presented at the System Dynamics Conference. Accessed at: http://www.systemdynamics.org/conferences/1997/paper039.htm.

Mosse, D., Farrington, J. & Rew, A. (2001). Development as Process: Concepts and methods for working with complexity. Indian Research Press. New Delhi, India. P. 3-27.

Schuler, D. (2001). “Cultivating Society’s Civic Intelligence: Patterns for a New ‘World Brain’”. In Information, Communication and Society. Routledge Press. London, UK. 4:2, p. 157-181.

_____. (2002). A Pattern Language for Living Communication: Global Participatory Project. Presented at the Participatory Design Conference; Malmo Sweden. CPSR. Retrieved August 3, 2006, from http://www.scn.org/sphere/patterns/pdc-02.html.

Senge, P. (1994). The Fifth Discipline: the Art and Practice of the Learning Organization. Doubleday; New York, NY.

Smith, J. (2007). Patterns, Systems and Advocacy Networks: Heuristics for Civic Empowerment in Jharkhand. Masters Thesis, St. Mary’s Press; San Antonio, TX

Smith, N. (2000). Introducing Formal Qualitative Reasoning Techniques to System Dynamics Modeling and Analysis. Proceedings of the Fourth Pacific Asia Conference on Information Systems (PACIS), pp. 839-848.

Tignor, W.W. (2001). Design Pattern Languages and System Dynamics Components. Accessed at: www.systemdynamics.org/conferences/2001/papers/Tignor_1.pdf